Wednesday, January 26, 2011

Inplantation Bleeding After Period

Machete Maidens Unleashed! (Theater Review)



Machete Maidens Unleashed!

The film was in the sixth Zurich Film Festival shown.

Content:

Until the 60s in the west probably had hardly ever heard of that one of the Philippines prolific film nation in the world were. That changed as it did in the 70s many American producers moved to Southeast Asia in order to turn cheap horror and action films. The conditions were ideal to also, finally gave the Philippines a large existing film industry, enticing locations, few state policies, especially low-cost labor. Thus in this phase, many of the so-called exploitation films, which tried with all too easily manageable means to arouse the interest of the viewer.

come In this documentary, the former directors and actors (-in) as well as film historians and critics have their say. Wink tell they scatter about the heyday of the B-movies, anecdotes and one can not believe it sometimes, to have done certain things back then really. A final dwarf kickboxing is far from the bizarre, here comes to light.


criticism

2007 Quentin Tarantino and Robert Rodriguez Grindhouse shot with a tribute to the exploitation films of the 70s and 80s. Rodriguez has since then refills with machete again and it does seem as would the trashy violence and porn movie again become increasingly popular. Mark Hartley's documentary Machete Maidens Unleashed! thus appears gerade zur richtigen Zeit.

Der Aufbau des Filmes ist grob chronologisch gegliedert und thematisiert nebenbei die Entwicklung des Filmschaffens vor dem Hintergrund der politischen Situation der Philippinen. Die einzelnen Zeitabstände sind wiederum thematisch unterteilt, es werden also in erster Linie die verschiedenen Untergenres und einige ihrer führenden Exponenten vorgestellt. Wir erfahren beispielsweise, dass es im Subgenre Women in prison films eine eigene Richtung der Jungle prison films gibt, welche bevorzugt von Frauen handeln, die in einer diktatorischen Bananenrepublik aus einer sadistischen Gefangenenanstalt fliehen müssen. Kleidung ist in dieser tropischen Hitze selbstverständlich eher überflüssig. Thus touted about as follows The Big Bird Cage with the later Jackie Brown Pam Grier -Star and the B-movie master Roger Corman: Women so hot with desire they melt the chains that enslave them!

Besides the two mentioned above are including John Landis, and Sid Haig ( The Devil's Rejects ) their say. Particularly interesting is the part about Apocalypse Now, which was also filmed at this time in the Philippines. The positioning in the context of B-movie industry will pose new light on the - known to be disastrous - production history of the film. Otherwise, like Machete Maidens Unleashed! However, except for Exploitation have fans of the film location of the special meaning little new to offer. Formally, the film stands out not, but it is mainly of interviews, which is backed by a half-hour show of the trailer mentioned films. However, if you primarily have the right to obtain an overview in fast-forward is best served in any case.

it is really only one condition: weird humor. For he who can not laugh at this quaint, mostly unintentionally funny movies, the rose-red blood fountains and paper mache monster can do is fail without question of place. A Prise Nostalgie schwingt in vielen Interviews mit, wenn sich derjenige zurückerinnert an die Zeit, als die Filme keine Rechtfertigung brauchten, um die Protagonistin den halben Film mit nacktem Oberkörper herumrennen zu lassen, und als es keine Hemmungen gab, noch so reisserisch um die Aufmerksamkeit des Zuschauers zu buhlen. Unübertroffen ist zum Beispiel die Tagline von Vampire Hookers :

BLOOD ISN'T THE ONLY THING THEY SUCK!


ca. 7 von 10 Punkten

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off more than just talk (Theater Review)



Einmal mehr als nur talk

The film was in the sixth Zurich Film Festival shown.

Content:

After the Central American Nicaragua was ruled 45 years of dictatorial Somoza clan, it came in 1977 into a nationwide civil war that ended two years later in the seizure of power by communist revolutionary Sandinistas. From then on, led by the United States under Ronald Reagan's efforts to overthrow the new government by the guerrillas militarily and financially supported somozische.

this causes a wave of worldwide sympathizers of leftist activists with Nicaragua. As part of this euphoria was created in 1984, the brigade "February 34", which consisted of fifty Austrians who are in the deep jungles in the south of the country went to there to help with the construction of infrastructure facilities. The credo of the young women and men talk more than once!

criticism

The documentary of Anna Catherine Wohlgenannt reconstructed from numerous interviews with former participants and archive footage of the events detailed in February 1984 during which the brigade stayed in Nicaragua. Here, the audience soon develops a much different picture than the obvious view that this is only is a rash move from fifty naïve peace activists. This is certainly true in many ways, but already the range of participants gave surprisingly far: From left conservative hard-liners on Maoists committed to members of a Catholic youth movement - everything was in place. Looking back, these people tell one part in detail on the end of the company and the difficulties that arose in the face of foreign culture and the tropical climate. On the other hand, they describe the relaxed dreams, ideals and political ideologies, they moved to this trip.

Interestingly, many still feel the dismay that the time of the revolution in Nicaragua after a good ten years earlier was over again and that ultimately nothing came of the world socialist revolution. In fact, the attitude of many Austrian activists compared with the situation in Nicaragua was at first not only naive but also very arrogant. They went to teach to the recruitment to Central America, the "poor natives there to have such a social revolution is made. However, there were certainly students who wanted to "play" not only revolution but wanted to bring about serious political changes and their views on this matter have not changed to this day.

The director captures this alles ein, ohne einen Kommentar oder gar eine Wertung abzugeben. Stattdessen entfaltet sich ein ausführliches Zeitdokument, welches der Gefahr der Heroisierung nicht ganz entgeht, auch wenn das Urteil grösstenteils dem Zuschauer selbst überlassen wird. Einmal mehr als nur reden ist ein persönliches und facettenreiches Portrait der letzten sozialen Utopie des 20. Jahrhunderts.

ca. 7 von 10 Punkten


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Maybe in another life (movie review)



Vielleicht in einem anderen Leben

Der Film wurde im Rahmen des 6. Zurich Film Festival shown.

Content:

Austria, 1945: While the enemy is just around the corner, are still masses of Jews deported to concentration camps. A force is stuck in a small village, because the chain of command of SS is broken. Barely a dozen, the Jews are housed in a barn, where they endure hungry and depressed.

Here comes one of the Jews, a former opera singer from Budapest, the idea to perform an operetta in the barn. At first it kept the other for pure spinning, but the singer can convince them that some music just on such a Ort bitter Not tut. Mit der Hilfe einer Bäuerin ( Ursula Strauss ) und ihrer Magd tragen sie nach und nach alles zusammen, was für die Aufführung nötig ist. Doch der Mann der Bäuerin ( Johannes Krisch ) bekommt bald Wind von der Sache.

Kritik:

Keine Frage, der österreichische Film hat Hochkonjunktur. Drei Jahre in Folge waren die Ossis im Rennen um den Oscar für den besten fremdsprachigen Film vertreten, mit Die Fälscher gewannen sie sogar. In diesem Zusammenhang scheint Vielleicht in einem anderen Leben von Elisabeth Scharang auf den ersten Blick prädestiniert für eine Oscar nomination - this film but also by the (popular at the Academy) Nazi theme and portrayed as already The White Ribbon the superficially idyllic life in a rural village.

succeeds Why the film does not even come close to achieving the quality of the works just mentioned? There are several reasons: We get no such feeling for the village as a closed microcosm, as it was in The White Ribbon so meticulously placed exactly in the limelight. The village and in particular the barn are only the backdrop for the highly constructed story. It seems that the attempt to convert the pour of the story underlying theatrical material in film form, here does not really work out.

flows in the rigid framework of the act as tough then. Not that the leisurely narrative pace would be to chalk out of principle, but here the viewer is really very few surprises and even offered Thrilling. Although both can score points at the beginning and the end, in between, however, makes some wide yawning boredom. This can compensate for the film does not by any visual display values, since one hand is the staging of absolute average and on the other hand for large scenes and the like simply was no money available.

is downright annoying, the film in that most of the characters are pure stereotypes: Sure, we haben auf der einen Seite den rassistischen Vater und auf der anderen Seite die gutherzige, aber unterdrückte Ehefrau. Charaktere werden auf einige wenige Eigenschaften festgelegt, und wenn denn eine Figur eine Entwicklung durchmacht, wirkt sie viel zu überstürzt. Überhaupt mag das ganze Szenario auf der Bühne noch funktionieren, wirkt im Film jedoch schlicht unglaubwürdig: Die Juden sitzen den ganzen Tag in der Scheune herum, haben nichts anderes zu tun als eine Operette aufzuführen, und praktisch jeder scheint einfach rein und raus spazieren zu können. Was die SS-Truppe, welche die Juden begleitete, den lieben langen Tag lang macht, erfährt man ebenfalls nicht; Auf jeden Fall scheinen sie etwas Wichtigeres zu tun haben als ihre Gefangenen zu bewachen.

Am Ende macht es sich der Film mit der Thematik viel zu einfach: Es wird so dargestellt, als wäre der Antisemitismus nur ein oberflächlicher Irrtum einiger böser Männer, der durch Vernunft und Menschlichkeit in Sekundenbruchteil widerlegt werden kann. Dabei wird verschwiegen, dass rassische Vorurteile in der deutschsprachigen Gesellschaft sehr viel tiefer verwurzelt sind und weder erst mit den Nazis begannen, noch mit Hitlers Tod aufhörten. Statt tiefer in der Mentalität der Dorfgemeinschaft zu graben, wie es Das weisse Band getan hat, ist Vielleicht in einem anderen Leben schlicht ein Gutmenschen-Film, der uns nichts Neues über das Thema zu erzählen weiss.

more about 4 out of 10


Images:








Monday, January 24, 2011

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The left formation

The following is a text of Antifa Freiberg is documented, which, thankfully, busy with this year's critical to mobilize the left activities against the Nazi parades in Dresden.

This is not the first in 2011, but now in particular through the absence of content and a maximum distance to an ideology-critical analysis of the memory in Dresden, but even more by left-wing populism to the "Events" and the "movement 'sake, coined.

Here we go ...

The left formation

" [T] he decision is made. For 19 February 2011 there is a large mobilization of mass blockades to Dresden. "That one, before this show, which reaches the majority of participants in the parade of sinister zombies on the ML-LLL-Demo almost had better turn tail like, we try to explain below.


The Curse of the superlative!

large mobilization, mass blockades; Event; Europas größter Naziaufmarsch; endgültig Geschichte werden zu lassen; bundesweit; auf jeden Fall zu verhindern; können und werden wir nicht; öffentlichkeitswirksam; aktiv werden; Aktionstag; trommelt alle eure Freunde zusammen usw. usf. Diese Sprache spricht Bände. Man braucht nicht erst Victor Klemperers L.T.I. zu lesen, um den Tatendrang, die Kraft und den superlativierten Sinn zu erkennen, mit denen bei no pasarán und Dresden-Nazifrei Politik gemacht wird: Mit einer Sprache, die schon von ihrer Struktur her auf etwas verweist, das zum Fürchten ist.

Welch autoritärer Gestus muss in den Köpfen der Menschen herrschen, die die überwiegende Zahl ihrer Ergüsse end with exclamation points and for which high performance is to formulate sentences. Phrases that deserve this name and the jargon emancipated without statements of resolve and manage their own insurance, common identity. Rates, therefore, the content, or in the highest of all cases, even criticism transport.


Thus in the mobilization of Dresden after the form and content together in a wonderful way, each word breaks with the need for community, identity and autonomous Gruppenkuscheln track. As for the LTI, so for the language of the mobilization is: " tendency gespannte Bewegung auf ein Ziel hin, ist Pflichtgebot, elementares und allgemeines. (..) Sein ganzer Sprachschatz ist von dem Willen zur Bewegung, zum Handeln beherrscht. 1 Tätigkeitsworte und das Schreiben im Futur sind symptomatisch für die Aufrufe von no pasarán und Dresden-Nazifrei: wir werden; blockieren; verhindern, stoppen; wollen; es nicht belassen werden usw. usf. Die Bewegung ist Alles, der Einzelne Nichts. Stillstand ist der Tod.


„Der Weg ist das Ziel“

no pasarán

"This goal unites us"

Dresden-Nazi Free


There is therefore action conferences, action consensus, blockade training and the like. Everything points to the principle of motion and the act itself. In the call for 2011, a justification for the blockade pasarán no spectacle is just three sentences worth; Dresden Nazifrei dispensed equally to all. Apparently it will convince no longer, but recruiting. Preventing Nazi marches seems for the vast Majority legitimate to already by itself and needs no further goals and analysis.


This is followed by another key feature of the pronouncements No Pasaran and Dresden-Nazi Freis to: the of the claim. The Nazi rally on 13 February would be the most important Nazi rally Europe is to read about. But evidence found for it at most rudimentary of the three sets that can not go through as a reason. 2 But why should the horse that chewed through and dealt with the topic funeral marches are significant because numerous demonstrations against such so-called child molester, herbeihalluzinierte „Überfremdung“, Globalisierung, oder aktuelle politische Anlässe?


Waren etwa die antisemitischen Aufmärsche anlässlich der Verteidigung des israelischen Souveräns gegen die „Free-Gaza Flotille“ im letzten Jahr, an denen sich u.a. auch die Antifaschistische Linke Berlin – eine im no pasarán-Bündnis organisierte Gruppe – beteiligte 3 , nicht minder gefährlich? Eine Tatsache, die die ALB als Bündnispartner völlig diskreditieren sollte. Und ist die Behauptung kein Schlag ins Gesicht jener Antifaschist_innen in Ungarn und Russland, die dort einer organisierten rechten Pogrom atmosphere are exposed to? 4


However, it is not surprising, as the mass of alliances come to this conclusion. Their limited horizon, the events seem to be the navel of the world in and around Dresden. Those who own relevance measures only to the assembled masses on the street who the participants figures on demonstrations indicators of success, who can think persisting despite as ideal Gesamtantifaschist_in thoroughly macho-like gestures on Gender Gap only in organizational contexts, is bound in the mobilization of technical tail compared 5 end with the neo-Nazis and see exactly where the danger. In this type of analysis are no pasarán and Dresden-Nazi Free criticize the doctrine of extremism them amazingly close.


A critique of neo-Nazi and other inhumane ideologies can not help but to examine them on their potency. As it also nominates No Pasaran right, authoritarian character structure and cynical thinking in society is widespread. However, one must also recognize that in almost all parts of society is consensus to distance themselves from neo-Nazis and the funeral march everywhere met with strong disapproval.


in Dresden for the Nazis is no pot more to win. No one wants them, not even the uptight mayor Helma Orosz. If Leave No Pasaran, therefore, that the actions of Dresden-Nazi Free and No Pasaran as perceived as disturbing would be like the inhuman propaganda (sic) of the neo-Nazis, that's a bold claim that is punished by the reality lies. That the covenants not just the goodwill of the city leaders to draw on, is certainly the case - but nothing more. The outsider who takes no for pasarán claim, has long recuperated from the social mainstream and only the gesture another.


often - and there lies the problem - it reveals itself only in a discomfort with Nazis, which position themselves somewhere between social desirability, self-assurance and antiracist activism and for this reason in the is able to go beyond a rejection of neo-Nazis. Against Nazis is to be OK to criticize capitalism and its related phenomena, such as isolation, alienation, perceived helplessness and lack of subjectivity of individuals, as one of the causes of mass movements and collective identification zu benennen, zu viel des Guten. Theodor W. Adorno schrieb bereits 1963 in seinem Aufsatz Was bedeutet: Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit, dass das Nachleben des Nationalsozialismus in der Demokratie potentiell bedrohlicher sei, als das Nachleben des Nationalsozialismus gegen die Demokratie. 6


Und auch mehr als 40 Jahre später ist Deutschland von einer faschistischen Machtübername unendlich weit entfernt. Daher ist der Verweis darauf, dass das Blockadespektakel durch die deutsche Geschichte notwendig wird , bereits empirisch widerlegt. Notwendig wäre ganz anderes, etwa, sich die Causes of inhuman thinking is known and to work on its abolition.


Although it is claimed to have left with the blockade actions undertaken the framework of symbolic protest are the blockages in the end just that - purely symbolic actions. Dresden-Nazi Free betrays so even if people are asked to put an effective sign . Menschenverachtendem ideas on the roads to do is utopian. Above all, the closures have not addressed and a gain of knowledge they will not bid. Nazis, their social marginality wissen, bekommen das an diesem Tag lediglich noch einmal gespiegelt, während alle anderen sich gegenseitig bestätigen, wie blöd sie Nazis finden. Um nicht falsch verstanden zu werden: Wenn Nazis am 19. Februar einen richtig beschissenen Trauermarsch erleben, ist das unbedingt zu begrüßen – aber wir glauben, dass es nicht die Auswirkungen hat, wie die Blockadelustigen sie sich gern einreden. Nach Dresden zu fahren ist einfach, aber nutzlos und hat mit Zivilcourage nichts zu tun. Es ist eine riesige Selbstbespaßung, die die dafür aufgebrachte Mühe nicht wert ist.


Angesichts all der Zumutungen, die diese Gesellschaft bereit hält, It is almost ludicrously, for a event as the 13th wasting February, his strength and energy, where there are other places so many reasons to get involved. What progress could in asylum law and the German deportation be achieved, there would be an approximately similar protest. How many people could against adverse circumstances, or her death to be preserved, even were calling an alliance to help prevent deportations. And how much richer in prospects would be the province were flowing commitment once there. Every progressive political event in the youth club, and even every cultural program that is not dominated by right-wing or right-audience content wird, ist dort nachhaltiger, als die noch so große Großblockade. Doch dort fehlen sowohl der klar lokalisierbare „Feind“, an dem sich abzuarbeiten wäre, als auch der jährliche Eventcharakter. Denn damit rechnet das autonome Herz: Dass in Dresden was geht!


Der Spaßfaktor

Genau diese bewegungslinke Scheiße ist es, die es für uns unerträglich macht, die Mobilisierungen nach Dresden gutzuheißen. „ Der Mobi-Stuff des Antifa-Bündnis „no pasarán“ für diese Saison(sic!) ist fertig. “, it is about on the homepage of the Alliance pasarán no, as if I apply a football game.


The funeral march of the Nazis and the protests against it have long since blown up into a chimera, which itself receives in life and makes for quite a few groups the only purpose of their political work. The goal here is behind the production.

social criticism is not a carnival club. Those who already weeks before the 19th February full of excitement and anticipation, eager to explore Dresden in a little action, so that the hope of a better wound Society in a dispute with menschenverachtendem thought would be obsolete, in favor of private pleasure. This, of course - to remain in the hands of Nazi Dresden-free - a legitimate one, but has to do with a dispute with menschenverachtendem thinking about as much as a hiking trip with the group of free time in the Saxon Switzerland.


No Pasaran is in the call for 2011, however, problematic. "We like to disturb," is written. A tiny headline in the infected so many. Should not it be sickening, by the efforts to have to operate that make no pasarán and Dresden-Nazi Free undoubtedly? Could not the people at No Pasaran and Dresden-Nazi free use of their limited life time more, there were no Nazi rallies?


to do something like inevitably implies an acquiescence with the circumstances and not in resignation, which, while regrettable, but probably would not understand, but in sheer satisfaction. However, it is sickening to have to live in a society like this. Every day, the longer the case, a day that is gone forever. On the criticism of it (by the covenants is not even done) to have fun, nothing more than sadism.

Furthermore, the quoted passage is evidence for that moment in the mobilization plays a major role. Even the word mobilization indicates that status. The blockades are not just resources but also an end in itself. To sit together in a blockade is exciting and welded together like the winter, the fellow in the winter help. Man awaits jointly in the freezing cold and snow and is in solidarity with each other for . Reason enough to put all the political differences shelve and forget the class boundaries. This is the replacement Community as compensation for their own marginality in a handy pocket size.


As in any process of identification is needed here too a clear enemy against which can be delineated. criticism is not the fact that neo-Nazis are used to distinguish which of itself, but that this process ever used for identification. It will not be dealt with ideologies and formed a critical concept of society, but above all, its insured, but that even the "good side" is. Is it done once, by implication, agree or even actively supportive in sports groups Hunting of neo-Nazis - or whom you hold it - done and in department made that people hurt in the attack with paving stones seriously and then expected that similar behavior does not draw such a denunciation to the police after themselves, but silence from the "repressive apparatus the state ".


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This esprit de corps also finds expression in speech and gesture No Pasaran. Texts and views of the Alliance are full of military terms: neo-Nazis had a crushing defeat accept surround, buses will be in a long column , the Nazi big event is cracked , opponents, local displacement of the blocks, will not remain unanswered . The Antifascist Left Berlin is not even too stupid to talk of human blockades . Why not just of human material? If there are no pasarán thousands of people who make up the impact of the force. And on the web site is actually an adaptation of the slogans of Che Guevara "We work two, three, many Vietnams": "Take two, three, many buses ...".


Die angestrebten Massenblockaden sind ein Mittel, auf das man setzt . Ebenfalls eine Formulierung, die man sich auf der Zunge zergehen lassen sollte. Auf etwas zu setzen ist der Fall, wenn man bewusst eine Strategie verfolgt. Das intendiert ein Kalkül, Abwägung von Sachverhalten, wie man es aus Militärmanövern, oder auch der institutionalisierten Politik kennt. Es geht dabei um Hegemonie auf dem Schlachtfeld, oder in der Gesellschaft; um Interessenkampf, oder Entscheidung auf der Straße. Wer auf etwas setzt, hat längst begonnen, Realpolitik zu machen. Verwundern muss das nicht bei those who do not want to overcome capitalism with all its forms of socialization, but only a system based on exploitation economic system.


Quo vadis Dresden?

How can take place against these backgrounds, a critical approach to ideology and in Dresden? We believe that the execution will lead to Nazis on the street in Dresden to nothing. Especially in the province of Saxony, is based on neo-Nazis organized an acute danger. It lies not only in life and limb threatening violence, but their influence on the socialization young people and the erosion of alternative subculture. That, however, the annual, oversized family gathering in Dresden occupies such an important networking, encouragement and politicization function, as often stated, we do not deny completely, but doubt remained preoccupied vehemence.

appears on the contrary, the presumption is not entirely unreasonable that the attention will be accompanied by the Nazi parades in Dresden, for the reinforcing effect. After all that frustration can lead to self-reflection, is a steep proposition as evidence, not least, which followed the funeral march prevented in the last year. The Proliferation inhuman thoughts are no good and meet pasarán Dresden-Nazi free in this way can not.


This is also the danger that we discover the core of the protests. The militant gesture and the participation of groups and individuals reproduce most disgusting inhuman ideas in many different ways. The politicization of people, which takes place in Dresden certainly involves, in addition to opportunities and great dangers. At the end of may at the point of critical human and social democrats, Greens, Communists and other left-ML managers are suffering. The experience as part of a broad alliance verheißt jedenfalls nichts Gutes. Für die zu leistende radikale Gesellschaftskritik ist das wahrscheinlich viel gefährlicher, als die organisierten Neonazis, um die sich längst die zivilgesellschaftlichen Institutionen kümmern.


Antifaschistische Gruppe Freiberg, Januar 2011


Fussnoten:

1 Klemperer, Victor (1957): LTI. Stuttgart: Reclam, 22. Auflage 2007, S. 304.

2 " The annually staged a funeral march large deployment is to last more than 6,000 participants in the largest Nazi rally Europe dar. But he is not only because of its size matter, but also because of its spillover effect into other European abroad, and its internal efficiency in the various, otherwise often fractious spectra of the Nazis. Autonomous Nationalists, NPD, DVU, the rightmost edge of fraternities and associations, and Nazis from other European countries came together and were represented together as a powerful movement to do. , "is all that pasarán in the call to no is written to it.

3 See http://anti.blogsport.de/2010/06/01/stoppt-das-massaker-in-gaza-ueber-linke-und-ihre Friends /

4 See: http://www.spiegel.de/sport/fussball/0, 1518,734389,00 html . and http://www.taz.de/1/sport/artikel/1/pogromstimmung-in-moskau/

5 A particularly dramatic example can be found eg here: http://de.indymedia.org/2011/01/298545.shtml?c=on # c694825

6 Adorno, Theodor W. (1963): What does coming to the past. In: intervention. Nine critical models. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, special issue on the 40th anniversary of edition Suhrkamp 2003, p. 126