call for anti-fascist actions on 13 and 14 February 2009 in Dresden.
it had not given the bombing of Dresden - the Germans had invented. The reference to the bombing of Dresden on 13 February 1945 is today impossible to imagine more than sixty years later, the German self-confidence. The Saxon in the City celebrated annually Gedenken an die Toten der Bombardierung ist dabei weit mehr als die Erinnerung an ein historisches Ereignis. In der Woche um den 13. Februar herum trifft sich die kollektive Trauer deutscher Bürger_innen um sogenannte „deutsche Opfer“ mit dem zur Zeit größten Nazi-Aufmarsch Europas. Beide vereint die Suche nach kollektiver Identität, die nach 1945 in Deutschland jedoch nicht mehr umstandslos zu haben ist. Die einzige vernünftige Konsequenz aus der deutschen Geschichte bleibt der bedingungs- und kompromisslose Bruch mit ihr. Wer ihn nicht vollziehen will, kommt um eine umfassende Revision und Verfälschung dieser Geschichte nicht herum – ganz gleich ob als subtile Akzentverschiebung oder als raubeinige Lüge. Nicht nur in Dresden therefore leads the reconstruction of German identity in the displacement of the historical reality of a myth. Among the competing currents of the Dresden commemoration continues the German ideology and are thus in the tradition of German Täter_innen. The necessary break with the German past, however implies the relentless criticism of the Dresden mourning spectacle in all its forms. This can only mean the historical revisionist manifestations of German ideology in the two days of the 13th and 14 to confront February 2009 with the much needed criticism.
A reconciliation with Germany is impossible.
The staging of the myth
The Allied air forces flew from October 1944 to April 1945 a total of eight attacks on Dresden. But only the attacks of 13 and 14 February 1945 mark by the Royal Air Force's collective memory to this day. The damage in this regard myth of Dresden is less on the bombing itself back to lead, rather than the propaganda of the Nazis. The Nazi leadership decided on a campaign to strengthen the people storm the Interior and the discrediting of the Allies in neutral countries. Thus, the symbol of Dresden soon internationally for a senseless destruction of cultural treasures of art and just before the end of the war that supposedly hundreds of thousands of lives. The collective memory, the coordinates of today's culture of remembrance in the city and the dispute over the commemoration of the 13th February has been determined for over sixty years of it. contributed
that Dresdner population as to the success of the murderous Nazi regime had and Dresden not an innocent art and culture was that the Nazi propaganda tenfold the dead numbers, and the German population in the last act of the war in Volkssturm gathered about people's community and to defend his country, was and is allowed to completely ignore this story, as, for example, that Dresden is the second largest Garnisonsstadt des Dritten Reiches und wichtiger Standort der Rüstungsproduktion war.
Im Zentrum der Mythenbildung um Dresden stand seit 1945 die Frage nach der Zahl der Toten. Angesichts dieses Jahrzehnte währenden Streits setzte die Stadt 2004 die „Historikerkommission“ ein, um die Totenzahl endgültig zu bestimmen. Nicht nur widerlegte die Kommission den beliebten Dresdner Mythos der Tieffliegerangriffe am Elbufer, sondern zeigte auch, dass die Zahl der Toten weit niedriger lag als offiziell verbreitet, nämlich bei höchstens 25 000. Aber nicht nur das. Es wurde aus Archivmaterial nachgewiesen, dass schon die Nazis sehr gut über diese Zahl informiert waren; verschiedene zeitnahe Abschätzungen der Totenzahlen wiesen already out in the same range.
The establishment of the Historical Commission under these circumstances, it can be seen as a strategic coup, with the lie about the dead is veiled figures of the last sixty years as a mere "ignorance". Nevertheless, the confrontation is with the historical reality of the Dresden memorial as a heavy blow, for now is unfounded, Dresden why this special status is to have the so-called German memorial culture. The new justification here is that Dresden possessed a tradition-rich and diverse culture of remembrance. "
a transformation in historical revisionism.
The "context" of the bombing.
Was the commemoration of the 13th February in Dresden after 1989 long time a rather transparent revisionist and revanchist event, receiving the current commemoration confidence insidiously just the fact that it claims to reject in their own grief Nazism and German history fully into account, a claim that by as well as the most Verteidiger_innen Kritiker_innen of remembrance, straight to the left, was taken virtually sight unseen.
This was achieved for the current criticism is usually the point where they surrendered; be it as a shame peace with the new (and therefore also the old) German ideology or as a retreat into the self-sufficient repetition of empty phrases. There are, however, no reason. The modernized 13th February-memory it is only possible by an extremely problematic handling of historical experience, on the one hand to reject the German National Socialism and also to commemorate the German Täter_innen who were responsible for him. Of German history it remains only an abstract myth.
The rejection of the German National Socialism in the Dresden-memory will not be changed by the confrontation of her own actions with the historical experience but The fact that is added to the memorial ritual of German history. In the popular, and many left uncritical, language of remembrance degenerates the history of German National Socialism to the "history" or "background" of the bombing of German cities.
It forms the "context" which is the other named in any suitable and unsuitable location. The hierarchy is established from the outset: in the center are the "German victims" and on top or underneath, behind or beyond must be compulsively the "context" summoned. Quite consistent with the fundamental text of 2005, modernized Remembrance entitled "Framework for Remembrance".
The dramatic historical experience of German barbarity is reduced to a "context" in the course of one's own memory with known or "remember" to be. This is not just about a questionable priorities, but rather a substantive shift in the story. For the historical experience of National Socialism can not merely with sorrow for the dead German does not unite, it prohibits any such positive reference to the German Täter_innen. To legitimize the memory for a radical review of this history is necessary, so as the Germans killed abstract Individuals can be mourned, it must be denied their involvement in the history of National Socialism or hidden.
The reduction of history to a "context" appears as a maneuver to abstract from the individual level entirely. As "context" so easy, therefore, supply a narrative history of National Socialism is nothing more than a bad collection of textbook facts, in which human individuals did not happen again. The actual content of historical experience is blocked so completely.
German guilt
The excess of any limit Extent of Nazi barbarism can only understood by the fact that the barbarism of the individuals, the Germans, was not only supported, but they considered the meeting the same as their very own project. Although the Germans of the crimes committed without the power of the Nazi Party would not have been possible, because only with the preparation of a comprehensive socio-political constellation, the mobilization and coordination of anti-Semitic mass.
But the creation of Jewish murder, ethnic community and "total war" was not a secret project of a clique of party Nazis. It was the public and put under general permission and participation promoted project an entire society. The willingness of "ordinary German" for active participation in murder and brutality against Jews has been empirically comprehensive, other than through their participation would be the German extermination project has not been possible in the scale.
The Germans in 1945 said almost unanimously that it was aware of nothing and was involved in anything to be. The question of individual guilt can not be answered abstractly, any such thinking is just of guilt. The boundaries between active and Mörder_innen in violence is not directly involved Germans must not be blurred. The claim, however, that 1945 would be ignorant, innocent and uninvolved in Germany can live, can be proven empirically.
is To comprehend the incomprehensible, the relentless "turn to the subject" (Adorno) is necessary, ie it must be asked the question, how can it happen that the single human individual to participate in an ideologically motivated murder Project incredible extent capable is. The National Socialist ideology as well as the murderous practice of violence against others found virtually no opposition in the German population, because they corresponded with the constitution of individuals in modern society.
The perceived external Sociality is wrong with what this company claims to be yourself in agreement. But the result is not the conceptual effort and reflection, but the ideology of education. The contradictions of the capitalist socialization not attacked by individuals who have ventured to the requirements of the Enlightenment never projected onto others: the Jews are to be blamed for everything. While self projecting itself as a victim, the hatred of Jews as an integral part of the false consciousness.
fact that, of those on 13 February is thought to have been proved to Anhänger_innen a "eliminationist anti-Semitism" (Goldhagen) have come in handy "Context" of this commemoration of course, not before. The very mention of the ideological motivation in anti-Semitism contains the reference to the fact that the Germans their actions voluntarily and without external coercion committed and disturbs the wrong need for mourning. The justification must be the acquittal of mourning, and this is done today by the reduction of history to a "context" in which the individual participation no longer be formulated; left history remains as a slightly more tangible myth that would so never be a reality .
historical experience constructively to their own actions in the present would be here to mean just the identity of those who will be mourned by those who shed light: who they were and what they did. This knowledge allows only one conclusion: any mourning for the German as "victims" turned logenen Täter_innen is rejected, as a positive reference to it is not possible. The mourning for slain German, in whatever form, will inevitably lead to political and historical revisionist rally.
German identity
There is no good reason, on 13 February to mourn slain German. What on 13 Happens every year in February, is not apolitical "memory work" but a collective ritual. Remembrance can and must be connected with the bombing of the death and suffering of real victims: the Zwangsarbeiter_innen, the Jews, but also the children.
all are indeed often misused to justify the commemorative spectacle, but to them it's not at all in memory. The commonality of all the colorful and fanciful distortions of history reflected in the fact that for 13 February 1945 an innocent and uninvolved in the core, if not contradictory sized German (and adults) civilian population is constructed with its own identification. Central to this identification is to eliminate all reflection and awareness efforts; organized memorial show moves completely on the level of immediate emotions. Abstract will be considered the "context" consisting of the German crimes, but just as they are simply be named in a mythological expression, they are beyond the imagination of the real Zuhörer_innen to be unreal.
The obligatory paragraph on "history" meets in the pathetic eulogy the job of the necessary suspense for the actual peak, which moves at a purely emotional level: the false identification with the individual experience and suffering. Here only the previously hidden Germans come into play as individuals: as individual "victim". Their products are dramatic times for the "common sense" of the Trauerbürger_innen who expect just such an emotional show, hard to grasp. In the elimination of any historical reflection is the commemoration of cheap propaganda rally. If one wanted to remember the real victims, there would have with any positive reference, each responsible for the identification with the Nazi Germans to be broken.
is against their own false need for empathy in the face of undeniable suffering of the Germans which spring from the concept of the historical context of the cold intellect necessary, and only they, the unbroken Remembrance of the Victims of National Socialism preserve. At no point of the Dresden memorial discourse of the spectacle and the associated fracture refers to the wrong place need to empathy and identification. Each of 13 February picked dramatic Zeitzeug_innenbericht of "German victims" is a sturdy piece of historical revisionism.
The perversion of German Täter_innen victims is a vital moment in the production of national identity. Like all such identities are ideological structures, they must be presented as eternal and immutable, which is accomplished here only by the fact that even in the dark period of National Socialism is a positive starting point German is the innocent "civilians" as the sum of individual "victims", not merely the better, but simply embody the good Germany: is identified on which to hold the false consciousness can.
for their own identity not only the historical continuity is produced, but from the mythologized history of National Socialism is just the lifting of the identity of the others, their own special words are related. The ineradicable German guilt is a positive "job" reinterpreted, in "personal responsibility for the design of a decent, democratic and peaceful society "(Framework for remembrance). In identifying with this from our own history allegedly springing "responsibility" but is not a burden but a tangible benefit to the individuals, namely the self-issued certificate to have worked the past and even to be cleansed, so in no way associated with this to want more.
angry to respond accordingly in Germany if the Expert_innen in terms of "past" of German guilt remembered or be faced with the demands of Zwangsarbeiter_innen for compensation. The reversal of history, the responsibility is only another variant of the supposedly legitimate end to the German past. Such speeches are not new, they date back as far as changing forms in the years after 1945, but come without the emphasis on the supposedly "new" does not, however they can not say what this actually is. do not end
The unending flood of empty words and evidence of its own "cleansing" and alleged "Reconciliation" refers to the fact that they have no real core, just as the targeted erasure of what happened is impossible. Our own false identity can not be realized, and is therefore just a ritual welches unendlich wiederholt werden muss und nie zur Ruhe kommen kann. Es ist die Suche nach nationaler Identität, die am 13. Februar tausende deutsche Bürger_innen in Dresden zum geschichtsrevisionistischen Gedenken an „deutsche Opfer“ auf die Straße treibt.
Das Gegenteil von gut ist gut gemeint.
Wie in den vergangenen Jahren wird es auch am Freitag, den 13. Februar 2009 in Dresden verschiedene „bürgerliche“ öffentliche Trauerveranstaltungen geben. Für den Abend des 13. Februars ruft das Nazi-Bündnis „Gegen das Vergessen“ zu einem Fackelumzug auf, zu dem über 1000 Nazis aus dem Spektrum der „Freien Kräfte“ zu erwarten sind. Am 14. Februar 2009 ist ein europaweiter Trauermarsch für die „deutschen Opfer“ der Bombardierung geplant. Im vergangenen Jahr war dieser „Trauermarsch“ mit über 5000 Teilnehmer_innen der größte Naziaufmarsch Europas.
Auch wenn man nach wie vor am gleichen Tag um die gleichen Opfer trauert: zum modernisierten Dresdner Gedenken gehört auch die Abgrenzung von den Nazis. Die Auseinandersetzung mit ihnen findet aber nicht als kritische Reflexion des eigenen Tuns am 13. Februar statt, sondern kommt im Gegenteil als verlogene Abwehr einer den „Rechtsextremisten“ vorgeworfenen „Vereinnahmung“ des Gedenkens daher. Through this "receipt", the police presence and of course the left Gegendemonstrant_innen the Dresdner_innen see the joy brought on mourning.
The analysis of the historical German National Socialism and the actual Nazis fail if they are transfigured. The ideology of the Nazis not only stands in continuity with the sentiments of virtually all segments of German society but also their democratic civil society Gegner_innen in walking thinking Alliance - not to mention the right edge fishing CDU completely - use explicitly set pieces of the same.
If the supporters of the "Call from Dresden" a Franz Muentefering, is one of the established anti-Semitic locusts metaphor in the German language again and on the web site to Peter then with the statement "the bombing of Dresden was the result of a long reign of people who were not worthy to rule the German people "is cited, the dispute with the Nazis is already lost. The collection under the banners of freedom and democracy is a lie if it serves only the purified own national identity against the threat of "right" to consolidate.
The talk of the need to defend democracy against the Nazis identified with dictatorship but has still the largest Mobilization successes in the bourgeois camp, but it distorts its subject, as if the NS would not "popular government" (Götz Aly) and the NPD would have been able to install a fascist dictatorship. No, the National Socialism lives on, not only against democracy, but also in the same, as an accepted expression. If the continued living and newly produced ideologies and false identities in the minds of the people does not reflect and be confronted, the debate takes on "the right" even ideological lines.
prevent Nazi parades, ritual mourning disturb!
The big rallies of the Nazis on 13 and 14 February 2009 and the historical revisionist German mourning Show on 13 February, solid share in the continuation of the same German ideology that was responsible for Nazism. It is related to these two days reproduced and solidified in the minds of men.
This German ideology contains within itself exclusion, racism, anti-Semitism and hatred of "others". It is realized in the arson attack, in violence and murder by Nazis and by "ordinary German" as well as in collective or individual looking away and tolerance on the other hand, in swastika graffiti on synagogues in rassistischen Gesetzgebungen und in Polizeiübergriffen. Sie ist eine Bedrohung für andere Menschen und uns selbst.
Es ist daher unser erklärtes Ziel, die Nazi-Aufmärsche am 13. und 14. Februar 2009 zu verhindern sowie das geschichtsrevisionistische Trauerspektakel am 13. Februar zu stören und durch kreative Aktionen mit unserer Kritik zu konfrontieren.
2006 gelang es erstmals, durch eine Blockade der Dresdner Augustusbrücke den Nazi-Großaufmarsch zur Umkehr zu zwingen.
Im Jahr darauf musste er aufgrund antifaschistischer Blockaden eine verkürzte Route wählen. Am 16. Februar 2008 versuchte die Stadt Dresden, antifaschistischen Protest in der Innenstadt durch ein Verbot der angemeldeten Demonstration zu verhindern and to let the Nazis march undisturbed. Regardless, the 1200 antifascists present in a rally starting to enforce a spontaneous demonstration, and to block the original Nazi route.
could be prevented by the Nazis marched at the Dresden synagogue. Nevertheless, they were able to change their route of march out under police protection largely undisturbed over.
This year we want more. We therefore call upon all people to come on these two days in Dresden and support us!
German Täter_innen are not victims. Nazi marches prevent. Historical revisionism . Attack No reconciliation with Germany.
